Jack McCullough: NZ Arbitration Court

The section opens by establishing the context of Christchurch's economy in 1880, highlighting its inability to provide employment even for skilled workers. Jack McCullough, a skilled craftsman, found himself working as a laborer for a coal merchant during his first year in New Zealand, a situation described as one of near-despair. This economic hardship led him to temporarily emigrate to Australia, where he found work at his trade in Sydney. Upon his return to Christchurch, the employment situation had worsened, forcing him into an 84-hour workweek as a laborer for the Christchurch Gas Company. The dire circumstances are further illustrated by McCullough's acceptance of a job as a seaman and watersider in Lyttelton, a significant departure from his original trade. Only in 1883 did he finally secure a position as a tinsmith at the Government Workshops in Addington, Christchurch, allowing him to work in his chosen profession within New Zealand. The stark contrast between his skills and his initial employment underscores the difficult economic climate of Christchurch for skilled workers during this period.

Following his securing stable employment as a tinsmith, the narrative shifts to McCullough's personal life and his initial reluctance to actively engage in the labor movement. The passage indicates he dedicated this time to self-education through reading and the responsibilities of raising a young family. A crucial element is introduced: his wife, Margaret Garvin, an Irish immigrant from a farming family settled outside Christchurch, did not share his enthusiasm for Christian unionism. Their marriage in June 1885 and their life in a working-class suburb of Christchurch provide further context to his personal life and its potential influence on his union activities. This period highlights that while he secured steady employment, he remained relatively detached from overt union participation and that his family's values might have played a role in this. This is a critical period in understanding his later evolution into a prominent union activist.

The initial paragraph sets the stage by mentioning that by 1881, Canterbury surpassed Otago as the most heavily populated province in New Zealand. This demographic shift is presented as a significant factor. This is a crucial point, as it implies changes in both the economic and political landscapes that might have indirectly influenced McCullough's experiences and his later involvement in the labor movement. The high population density could have contributed to the intensified competition for jobs, as suggested by McCullough's struggles to find appropriate employment in his skilled trade. The information is presented as background and is not directly linked to McCullough’s individual experience except to suggest broader societal factors influencing employment opportunities. It does serve as relevant socio-economic context for understanding the larger scene within which McCullough operated.

This section details Jack McCullough's perspective on and involvement with the Arbitration Court. While he held positions on various boards related to the railway service (Railways' Appeal Board, Government Railways' Superannuation Fund Board), he was critical of the court's limitations and the behavior of some involved. He criticized incompetent union advocates who approached the court ineffectively and was particularly concerned by uncomplimentary comments made by benchmates and employers' advocates about the working class. He believed the new managerial elite held a skewed perception of labor based on their own efficiency standards. Despite his criticisms, McCullough was reluctant to abandon the Arbitration Court, fearing it would fall under more harmful influences to worker interests if left without his participation. This highlights his complex position within the labor movement, balancing pragmatic engagement with the existing system with his underlying socialist critique.

This subsection focuses on the debate surrounding the definition of a 'living wage' and the growing external criticism of the Arbitration Court. McCullough found John Barr's definition of a living wage – ensuring workers could live in decency and comfort regardless of employer earnings – alarming. He was also aware of increasing criticism of compulsory arbitration as a tool that restrained the New Zealand union movement, echoing sentiments expressed by visitors like Sydney and Beatrice Webb, who believed it hadn’t improved the lot of wage workers. The contrasting viewpoints on the effectiveness of compulsory arbitration are central. McCullough’s concerns about the ‘living wage’ and the perceived limitations of the Arbitration Court process, particularly in light of external critiques, showcase the internal tensions and the complexities of the labor movement's efforts to improve working conditions in New Zealand.

This subsection provides examples of industrial disputes and the Arbitration Court's decisions in those cases, highlighting McCullough's role in mediating and reacting to them. One case involves a mine where the court criticized both the union and management for their actions during a dispute over crib time and working hours. The union's high-handed approach and the mine manager's dismissal of unionists were both condemned. Another significant example is the introduction of a ‘strike clause’ into the Southland Sawmillers' Award. This clause automatically suspended union awards after strikes, which McCullough strongly opposed as punitive and counterproductive. His opposition to this repressive legislative move illustrates his belief in the importance of due process and fair consideration of the circumstances leading to strike action, emphasizing his commitment to a more equitable system despite his criticisms of its flaws.

This subsection discusses the growing movement towards an independent Labour Party and McCullough's role in shaping its trajectory. By 1907, McCullough’s reputation as a skilled and loyal unionist was well-established, influencing his political activities. The text highlights the difficulties he faced in garnering support for his vision of an independent Labour Party, particularly given the existing strong alliance between labour and the Liberal Party. The election of Tommy Taylor as mayor of Christchurch, along with other Labour representatives, in 1911, is presented as a symbolic victory, although their limited power due to the lack of a council majority is also noted. McCullough’s commitment to the CTLC’s official political strategy in 1909 is mentioned, and the executive’s determination to establish an independent labour organisation is highlighted. Their ‘fighting’ platform included nationalisation of key industries and political reforms, but also faced considerable internal opposition.

This subsection focuses on Tommy Taylor's emergence as a key figure and McCullough's support for his leadership within the burgeoning independent Labour Party movement. Taylor's relationship with McCullough and other unionists is described as being based on a shared industrial philosophy and mutual support for an independent labour party. Taylor’s public support for McCullough and other CTLC unionists during periods of labor unrest is highlighted, beginning as early as 1907. His argument that worker unrest was a natural response to rising company profits is mentioned. The selection process for candidates, including the rejection of McKnight due to his opposition to unqualified preference for unionists, is also presented. This illustrates the internal debates and selection criteria within the movement, leading to the eventual, albeit limited, success of Taylor’s candidacy.

This subsection examines the obstacles and divisions faced by those working to establish an independent Labour Party. McCullough's pessimism about the influence of figures like Scobie McKenzie within the Ward administration is noted. His suspicion of J. A. Millar's intentions as Minister of Labour is also highlighted, further demonstrating the challenges of navigating the existing political system. The cooling of support from friends like Tom Paul towards the idea of an independent party illustrates the lack of unity. The section details the difficulties of building a broad-based political campaign, the subsequent dissipation of unity after April 1911, and the impact of these divisions on election results, notably the defeat of Bob Whiting and Hiram Hunter. This highlights the deep-seated divisions and internal struggles that hampered efforts towards a cohesive and effective independent Labour Party.

This subsection details the significant impact of World War I on the New Zealand labor movement and McCullough's response. The suspension of Arbitration Court hearings in August 1914, although a popular decision made in consultation with the union movement, is presented as a crucial turning point. McCullough's perspective is highlighted; he viewed the suspension as a concession to employers and lamented the actions of certain unions who sought to distance themselves from more radical elements, like the Red Fed and IWW, as a way to gain favor with employers. He referred to those who prioritized patriotism over militant unionism as labor's “lost souls,” demonstrating his disapproval of their actions. The suspension of hearings, rather than awards, is presented as a compromise secured under intense pressure from employers, signifying a shift in the balance of power within industrial relations.

This subsection examines the internal divisions within the labor movement that intensified during and after World War I. The text highlights the emergence of more militant factions, and McCullough's complex relationship with them. He expressed concern about the growing influence of figures like Scobie McKenzie and his suspicion of J. A. Millar's intentions as Minister of Labour are detailed. The formation of 'scab unions' at Waihi is discussed as a negative outcome of internal divisions, highlighting the damage caused by fractured unity within the labour movement. The eventual rapprochement of various union factions, driven by shared opposition to militarism and anti-union tactics (blacklegging), is noted, signifying efforts toward reconciliation after periods of intense division. The Unity Conferences of 1913 are cited as evidence of this attempted unification.

This subsection focuses on the debates around federation movements within the labor movement. The text shows the ongoing tensions between differing approaches to organizing. Several proposed federation models are presented: a New Zealand Railwaymen's Federated Council; an industry-wide federation involving the ASRS and EFCA; and a Transport Workers' Advisory Board. McCullough’s stance is noted, favoring a national council of trade unions as a prerequisite for any federation. The internal disagreements within the ASRS highlight the challenges to achieving effective organization. The irony of some ASRS members supporting a federation proposal is emphasized, given that the leader of this proposal was a member of the EFCA, a group McCullough previously labelled as union wreckers intent on sabotaging federation. This reveals the continued internal struggles and tensions that hampered the progress of the overall labour movement, even after attempts at reconciliation.