Child Labor in US Tobacco Farming

A significant portion of the children interviewed (97 out of 133) reported experiencing illnesses directly linked to their work in tobacco fields. These illnesses included nausea, vomiting, headaches, dizziness, skin rashes, breathing difficulties, and eye and mouth irritation. Many children described direct exposure to pesticides, frequently observing tractors spraying chemicals in their fields or nearby. They reported being able to smell or feel the spray as it drifted over them, causing burning eyes and noses, itchy skin, and other symptoms. The report explicitly connects these symptoms to both acute nicotine poisoning and pesticide exposure. Yanamaria W., a 14-year-old from Kentucky, recounted a direct experience of pesticide spraying in the field, emphasizing the pervasive nature of this health risk. The report concludes that exposure to nicotine and pesticides poses serious health threats, especially to children whose bodies and brains are still developing, highlighting the severity of the situation for young farmworkers.

In addition to chemical exposure, children face severe physical strain and dangerous working conditions. Many children reported working in unrelenting heat and extreme temperatures, leading to dizziness, lightheadedness, and exhaustion. Many of these children performed physically demanding tasks like weeding, topping, and harvesting, involving repetitive movements, lifting heavy loads, and often working bent over for extended periods. The use of sharp tools, such as axes, hatchets, and hoes, frequently resulted in cuts and puncture wounds; children described injuries sustained while using these tools. Furthermore, working with or near heavy machinery, such as tractors and mowers, posed significant risks of serious injury. The physical demands of the work, combined with the lack of shade and inadequate breaks, intensified these health risks. Several examples are given of children sustaining injuries while handling sharp tools and working with machinery. The cumulative effect of these factors places an immense physical toll on these young workers.

The lack of appropriate safety measures and protective equipment significantly exacerbates the health risks for child workers. Many children reported not having access to or wearing improper protective gear, such as using garbage bags in place of rain suits. Even with protective equipment, the report concludes that absorption of toxins through the skin, particularly nicotine, remains a serious concern, especially when workers' clothing is saturated with water from tobacco plants. The report also details a lack of information about nicotine poisoning and its prevention among the children, leaving many unaware of the risks and how to protect themselves. Most children also stated they received no pesticide safety training or education from their employers, highlighting a significant failure in worker protection. Experts quoted in the report highlight the inadequacy of simply providing protective gear; the report underscores the importance of comprehensive safety measures and training.

The report highlights the grueling working conditions faced by children in tobacco farming. Many children reported working long hours, often exceeding five days a week, with little control over their daily schedules. Employers frequently expected them to work past dark or start before dawn, especially when work sites were far from home. While some employers allowed for shorter days due to rain or heat, many children reported working without additional breaks, even in extreme heat. This relentless work schedule, coupled with the intense summer heat, contributed significantly to exhaustion, dizziness, and heatstroke. The lack of adequate breaks for rest, hydration, or relief from the sun compounded the already hazardous conditions. Several children recounted experiences of working long hours in oppressive heat, and some mentioned working seven days a week during peak seasons, emphasizing the relentless nature of their work.

Children regularly used dangerous tools and machinery while working in tobacco fields. They frequently handled sharp implements such as axes (referred to as "tobacco knives"), hatchets, hoes, and sharp spikes used for spearing tobacco plants onto sticks for curing. These tools frequently caused cuts and puncture wounds, with several children detailing injuries, including hospital visits for stitches. Working near or operating heavy machinery such as tractors and mowers also posed serious risks, as noted by several accounts of accidents and injuries. Additionally, many children reported climbing several stories high into barns to hang tobacco sticks for drying, increasing the risk of falls and other accidents. The inherent dangers of these tools and the heights involved make it clear that this is hazardous child labor.

A significant contributing factor to the hazardous working conditions is the absence of adequate safety training and appropriate protective gear. The vast majority of children interviewed reported that their employers provided no education or training on pesticide safety, leaving them vulnerable to chemical exposure. Lack of information about nicotine poisoning and its prevention was also widespread, meaning children were unaware of the risks or how to mitigate them. Many children described using inadequate protection from the elements and chemicals, such as covering themselves with plastic garbage bags during rain or dew. This lack of safety education and adequate protective gear is a major contributing factor to the health risks and accidents experienced by children working in tobacco farming. The report directly connects this deficiency to the high rates of illness and injury among the child workers.

The primary driver of child labor in tobacco farming is economic necessity. Many children work to contribute to their families' income, often supplementing their parents' earnings. Children's accounts consistently illustrate this, highlighting the financial strain on their families and their own contributions to alleviate it. For example, Raul D., a 13-year-old from North Carolina, worked to buy school supplies and clothes; Adriana F., 14, used her earnings for school supplies and field trips; and Jerardo S., 11, aimed to save for college. This economic pressure pushes families to employ their children, regardless of the inherent risks involved. The children's own motivations, while focused on their families' needs, underscore the dire economic circumstances fueling child labor in this context.

Beyond economic need, a significant factor driving child labor is the lack of suitable alternatives in rural communities. Children, especially those in the US without authorization, reported a dearth of other job opportunities. Blanca A., a farmworker child born in Mexico, explained that most of her friends worked at fast-food restaurants or retail stores—jobs typically requiring Social Security numbers, which she lacked. Claudio G., a 16-year-old unauthorized worker in North Carolina, stated that tobacco work was the only option available to unauthorized children during the summer. Similarly, Alan F., a 15-year-old, said he would continue tobacco work until he was older, highlighting the limitations on options due to age and immigration status. The absence of other jobs and summer programs leaves tobacco farming as one of the few employment options available to these children.

Many children expressed that their age or immigration status was a direct barrier to accessing other employment. Several children mentioned that they were simply too young to be hired for other jobs. The lack of suitable alternative employment is further exacerbated by the existing legal frameworks on child labor. While the US has ratified the ILO Worst Forms of Child Labor Convention, which prohibits certain types of work for children under 18, the report argues that these protections aren't sufficient, as it largely leaves the definition of 'hazardous' work to individual states and employers. This ambiguity in the application of laws, coupled with the limited other opportunities and the urgency of their families' economic needs, results in the systematic continuation of child labor in tobacco farming.

A significant portion of the children interviewed were paid based on the volume of tobacco harvested, a piece-rate system. This payment structure created immense pressure to work as quickly as possible, often at the expense of safety. Children reported working at a relentless pace to maximize earnings. For instance, Jaime V., an 18-year-old from Tennessee, explained that the piece-rate system made the work incredibly difficult because they had to be very fast; otherwise, they wouldn't earn money. Similarly, Yanamaria W., a 14-year-old from Kentucky, highlighted the pressure to work faster for higher pay, especially during the cutting phase. This piece-rate system directly contributed to the children working longer hours and foregoing breaks, leading to increased exhaustion and health risks. Public health studies cited in the report corroborate this, indicating that piece-rate payment systems often lead farmworkers to compromise their safety and well-being to meet production targets.

The wages received by child laborers were often low and subject to unfair deductions. Some children reported earnings as low as $40 for six days of work. In addition to low base pay, numerous children reported that employers deducted money from their checks for various reasons, often without clear explanation. These deductions frequently included charges for transportation, water, and other unspecified expenses. Margarita S., a 16-year-old from North Carolina, described having $10–$15 deducted daily for transportation, along with additional charges for water and drinks. Eli B., a 15-year-old, reported his employer routinely underpaid him, illustrating widespread exploitation. Marissa G., a 14-year-old, even described being completely unpaid for a day of work. These practices highlight significant wage discrepancies and unfair labor practices that further contribute to the exploitation of these children.

The report emphasizes how minimum wage laws, while aiming to protect workers, often fail to provide adequate safeguards for child laborers in the agricultural sector. There are significant exemptions for small farms and piece-rate workers, particularly concerning local hand harvesters and non-local children under 16 working alongside parents. These exceptions create loopholes that allow employers to pay children below the minimum wage, exacerbating the already vulnerable situation. The report notes specific regulations, citing 29 C.F.R. sec. 780.300, that delineate these exceptions. This legal ambiguity allows for further exploitation, as employers can easily circumvent fair wage requirements under the guise of legal compliance. The inadequacy of these laws to offer proper protection is a central theme in the report's critique of the current legal framework.

The report examines the stated policies of several major tobacco companies regarding child labor. Many companies claimed to require compliance with US child labor laws for their domestic operations and adherence to international standards (ILO) for their global supply chains. However, the report highlights the inadequacy of these existing laws and the lack of specificity in company policies. Most companies did not clearly define what constitutes 'hazardous work' for children, leaving considerable ambiguity in their enforcement. While some companies mentioned internal and third-party monitoring of their supply chains, the report suggests this monitoring might be insufficient to effectively address the widespread issue of child labor in tobacco farming. The inconsistent application of child labor policies and the lack of clear definitions of prohibited activities create significant vulnerabilities for children working in the tobacco industry.

The report highlights the role and limitations of the International Labour Organization (ILO) in addressing child labor within the tobacco industry. While the ILO provides technical assistance to governments, the report argues that its guidance regarding the hazardous nature of tobacco work for children is insufficient. An ILO expert quoted in the report stated that personal protective equipment (PPE) is not sufficient to protect children from the inherent hazards of tobacco cultivation, harvesting, and curing. The report emphasizes that PPE often provides a false sense of security, particularly for children, and is not consistently worn due to practical limitations. This critique underscores the need for stronger, clearer guidelines from international organizations and greater corporate responsibility to protect children from exploitation within the tobacco supply chain. The report indicates the inadequacy of relying solely on existing ILO standards and company self-regulation to prevent hazardous child labor.

The report presents the responses of several major tobacco companies (e.g., PMI, BAT, R.J. Reynolds, Alliance One, Universal Corporation) to the findings. While some companies, such as PMI, provided detailed responses outlining their efforts to monitor farms and align with ILO standards, their commitments often lacked concrete specifications regarding hazardous tasks and independent verification. The report notes that PMI, for instance, disagreed with the recommendation to extend child labor restrictions to all stages of tobacco production. Other companies, like R.J. Reynolds, stated that they rely on contracted growers to comply with national laws, but did not articulate specific policies or expectations for non-contract farms. The report concludes that these corporate responses, while often indicating a commitment to improving working conditions, fall short of effectively addressing the systemic problem of child labor in tobacco farming. The report calls for stronger regulatory frameworks, greater transparency, and a sector-wide commitment to eliminating child labor within the tobacco industry.