International Relations: A Concise Guide

The initial section details the emergence of formalized diplomacy in early modern Europe. Following the independence of various states from papal and imperial control, the complexities of their relationships necessitated new communication channels. To prevent misunderstandings and conflicts, rulers began exchanging ambassadors, creating a diplomatic network. This network served multiple purposes: gathering intelligence, facilitating negotiations, and fostering connections between states. Diplomatic practices evolved to include mutually advantageous provisions such as extraterritorial rights and legal immunity for embassies, inviolability of diplomatic dispatches, and freedom of religious worship for ambassadors. These practices, originating in northern Italy, gradually spread across Europe, encompassing major powers like France, Spain, Austria, England, Russia, Poland, Denmark, Sweden, and the Ottoman Empire by the mid-seventeenth century. It's crucial to note that while diplomacy did not eliminate war—wars remained frequent—it fostered a shared European identity; participation in the diplomatic system became a defining characteristic of a European state.

The next part discusses the impact of the French Revolution and the subsequent Napoleonic Wars (early 19th century) on the European diplomatic landscape. The conflict between revolutionary France and the rest of Europe lasted nearly 25 years, significantly reshaping the power dynamics. Napoleon Bonaparte's rise to power and his conquest of much of Europe marked a turning point. The revolutionary French government, unlike the old monarchies, mobilized the entire population through patriotism, creating a formidable military machine. Germany's defeat under Napoleon was particularly significant. The dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 further highlighted the changing geopolitical order. However, the absence of a unified German state initially led to a focus on cultural nationalism—language, traditions, and shared history—before the eventual unification of Germany in 1871 after defeating France in war. This period underscores the shift toward nation-states and their impact on international relations.

This section analyzes the transformation of the European international system from primarily inter-state relations to inter-national relations. Nationalist revolutions fundamentally altered the landscape. While the Westphalian system focused on relations between states, the 19th century witnessed a growing emphasis on relations between nation-states. Jeremy Bentham's coining of the term 'international' in 1783 reflects this shift in terminology. Despite the changes, the new inter-national system retained characteristics of the Westphalian system, particularly the concept of state sovereignty and the anarchic nature of the international system (decentralized power, constant threat of war). The rise of the 'nation' significantly influenced the legitimacy of rulers, with leaders lacking national support increasingly viewed as illegitimate. This change automatically granted newly formed nation-states, such as Italy and Germany, legitimacy within the European community. This legitimacy stemmed from the theoretical principle of popular sovereignty.

This section challenges the optimistic view that the rise of nation-states would lead to a more peaceful international order. World War I and, even more dramatically, World War II, demonstrated that nation-states could be far more lethal than their early modern predecessors. The ability of nation-states to fully mobilize their populations and resources for war effort resulted in unprecedented levels of violence, exemplified by the staggering death toll (over 60 million) of World War II, including the Holocaust. The post-World War II period saw the continuation of military competition, most notably the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union. The text argues that the pursuit of economic gain did not replace the fundamental drives for security and dominance in international relations. These events shattered the liberal hopes for a more peaceful era, highlighting the limitations of viewing nation-states as inherently benign actors. The conflict and destruction witnessed in these wars demonstrate the brutal capacity of the nation-state.

This section emphasizes the increasing pressure on state sovereignty stemming from growing international norms and the actions of non-state actors. The text points to a significant shift away from a time when states were the ultimate judge, jury, and executioner in international affairs. The pressure exerted by external interests, particularly through international non-governmental organizations (NGOs), has diminished state impunity. The most significant advancement is in the area of international human rights norms. The document mentions that the previously unassailable immunity of state leaders from criminal prosecution has also been challenged and altered due to international norms. The creation of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague, originally discussed in the 1950s by the UN but ultimately established through the efforts of the Coalition for the International Criminal Court, is a key example of this. The ICC holds individuals accountable for crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide, even when states themselves are unwilling or unable to do so. Therefore, the influence of international bodies and international norms greatly lessened the ability of states to act with impunity.

This section further explores the significant impact of international organizations and NGOs in shaping and enforcing international norms. The document highlights the case of the NATO intervention in Kosovo in 1999, which occurred without UN Security Council authorization, as evidence of non-state actors influencing global events. The subsequent establishment of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty and the 'Responsibility to Protect' norm further illustrates this. The International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement is presented as a prominent example of how an NGO can initiate movements that eventually develop into widely accepted international norms and standards, such as the Geneva Conventions, which all UN members have ratified. The influence of non-state actors is shown to be significant in affecting how global issues are addressed, indicating a more complex and multifaceted international system beyond merely inter-state relations. This is a testament to the growing influence of non-state actors in global governance and norm creation.

This section examines the complexities and inherent contradictions within liberal approaches to political economy. It introduces the work of Karl Polanyi (1957), who highlighted the practical contradictions in different historical manifestations of liberal ideas. Polanyi argued that markets are not merely abstract constructs but social phenomena embedded within communities and directly influenced by state actions. This interconnectedness of economic, social, and political life means that the widely held belief in the advantages of a self-regulating market can lead to severe disruptions in the social fabric. Such disruptions can stem from rising income inequality, foreign corporate takeovers, or disagreements on economic policies during recessions. The section sets the stage for a more nuanced understanding of global political economy, moving beyond simplified models of market self-regulation. It emphasizes the active role of the state in shaping market outcomes and the interconnectedness of economic, social and political life.

This section introduces the concept of philanthrocapitalism and uses the Chan-Zuckerberg Initiative as a prime example. This initiative, which involves donating a significant portion of Facebook's shares to global projects, is analyzed in terms of its organizational structure (a limited liability company or LLC) and its implications for global political economy. The choice of an LLC structure, compared to a traditional charitable trust, allows for profit generation alongside philanthropic activities. This highlights the inherent tension between the desire to do good on a global scale and the need to maintain a financially viable commercial model. The Chan-Zuckerberg Initiative's structure and operations serve as a case study for understanding the new types of actors and their influence on global political and economic landscape. This demonstrates how even philanthropic endeavors can be closely tied to market structures and economic incentives.

This section analyzes the rise of regional governance structures and their potential role in shaping a future global governance system. It uses examples such as NAFTA, MERCOSUR, ASEAN, and ECOWAS, which are regional groupings modeled after the European Union. The effectiveness of these regional organizations remains inconclusive, raising questions about their role as stepping stones or stumbling blocks to true global governance. The example of the European Union is examined in detail; its creation of a single market necessitated measures to mitigate the negative effects of market liberalization. This involved financial compensations for affected groups and regulations to address environmental, health, and safety concerns. The section shows that while regional cooperation can facilitate economic growth, building true global governance remains a significant and complex endeavor. The section leaves the question of regional organizations' long-term role open for further discussion.

The final part of this section explores the complex interplay between religion and culture in the context of international relations and global political economy. It challenges the notion of 'culture' always encompassing 'religion' as a subset, arguing that in certain contexts, religious authority and identity can outweigh other cultural factors. The examples given include the influence of Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani in Najaf, Iraq, during the 2003 US intervention, and the Catholic Church's role in supporting striking workers in Poland during the 1980s. These instances illustrate that religious actors can play significant roles in shaping political and social outcomes, demonstrating the inadequacy of reducing all such influence to simple cultural categories. The section proposes a more nuanced perspective, recognizing the dynamic interaction between religion and culture in shaping global political and economic dynamics.

This section establishes the central tension between state security and human security within the international system. The UN's founding charter, aiming to 'save succeeding generations from the scourge of war' and 'uphold faith in fundamental human rights,' is presented alongside the grim reality of widespread human rights violations and violence. The twentieth century witnessed tens of millions of deaths in both interstate wars and at the hands of their own governments. This stark contrast highlights a fundamental challenge to the international order, which assumes states exist primarily to protect their citizens. However, numerous historical examples, including the Syrian conflict, demonstrate that threats to individuals often come more from their own states than from other states. This fundamental issue questions the prioritization of state security over individual security in international affairs. The section introduces the core problem: the discrepancy between the stated aims of international organizations and the actual experiences of individuals.

This section introduces two axes for understanding approaches to the state versus individual security dilemma. The first axis relates to the belief in moral progress in world politics, ranging from optimistic views emphasizing dialogue and consensus to pessimistic ones highlighting the inherent limits of cooperation and moral consensus. The second axis concerns the prioritization of either the state or the individual as the principal actor in world affairs. States are traditionally viewed as the primary actors, the source of order, and bearers of international responsibilities, contrasting with a perspective that privileges individuals as ends in themselves. These axes create four ethical positions based on varying degrees of optimism regarding moral progress and the priority given to either states or individuals. This framework provides a basis for evaluating different approaches to protecting people from harm in the international system, emphasizing that a decision about how to prioritize the safety of states versus individuals reflects the ethical stance of the decision maker.

This section focuses on the international response to specific vulnerabilities, particularly those of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs). The international refugee regime, established by the 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1967 Protocol, is discussed. This system, overseen by the UNHCR, provides asylum and resettlement for persecuted individuals. However, the growing crisis of internal displacement, where people are forced from their homes but remain within their own country, exposed limitations in this system. The UNHCR expanded its mandate to include the protection of IDPs, but a formal international convention was not established. Instead, the UNHCR developed guiding principles for their treatment. This shows how international responses are tailored to specific crises, but also that adaptation may be slow and lack the comprehensiveness of a full legal framework. The UN High Commissioner for Refugees is a significant actor in these developments.

The final subsection of this section addresses the role of transitional justice mechanisms in protecting people from future harm. The establishment of international tribunals for Bosnia and Rwanda in the mid-1990s, and the subsequent creation of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in 1998, are presented as key developments. The ICC's jurisdiction is triggered when a state party is unable or unwilling to investigate widespread atrocities. The court's prosecutor can also initiate proceedings based on complaints from state parties or referrals from the UN Security Council. While still in its early stages of development, the ICC, along with other transitional justice measures, is argued to reduce the likelihood of future atrocities by ending impunity. The deterrent effect extends even to non-member states, indicating the growing power of international justice mechanisms in protecting people from violence and abuse.

This section delves into the characteristics of transnational terrorist groups, focusing on their operational strategies and organizational structures. The text argues that these groups often prioritize the location of their attacks as much as, if not more than, the specific targets. This is exemplified by the 2015 Paris attacks by the Islamic State group, which targeted public places to maximize fear and publicity. This contrasts with groups like the Tehrik-e-Taliban and Boko Haram, which operate within specific regions but have wider global ideological aims. While these groups do target individuals (Malala Yousafzai is mentioned as an example), their focus is often on symbolic attacks on locations that represent the existing political order or way of life. The targeting strategy is designed to incite fear and provoke a reaction from the state, demonstrating a sophistication in terrorist tactics beyond simple violence.

This subsection further examines the strategic use of terrorism to provoke state responses. Terrorist attacks are frequently symbolic and designed to elicit a strong reaction from governments, even if that reaction undermines the very values the government espouses or leads to costly measures that erode popular support. The text introduces the concept of 'focoism,' a strategy that aims to provoke state repression in the name of security, thereby creating conditions for widespread discontent and potentially revolution. This strategy is illustrated by the actions of Uyghur separatist groups in China and is contrasted with historical instances where states resisted the pressure to overreact, such as Italy's response to the Aldo Moro kidnapping. The comparison highlights the increased difficulty for democratic governments in the modern era to resist pressure to react aggressively, due to increased public and media scrutiny. The 'Jack Bauer effect' in popular culture further demonstrates this increased pressure to react. The strategic use of provocation adds another layer to understanding modern terrorist strategies.

The final part of this section addresses the organizational structure of transnational terrorist groups and the implications for counter-terrorism efforts. Many transnational groups are described as having decentralized, cell-like structures, lacking a formal hierarchical leadership. This challenges traditional approaches to counter-terrorism. Marc Sageman's concept of a 'leaderless jihad' is mentioned, contrasting with Bruce Hoffman's earlier views. The text suggests that the increasing decentralization of these groups, enabled by new technologies and globalization, makes communication and negotiation with them exceptionally difficult. This decentralization presents challenges, including issues of coordination, information security, and the potential for splinter groups. However, it also offers advantages in terms of resilience and longevity. The lack of a centralized leadership makes it much harder to combat these groups; this therefore underlines the complexities of addressing transnational terrorism.

This section introduces the role of global civil society in addressing global challenges. It begins by noting that traditional institutions have struggled to effectively and legitimately respond to issues like climate change, financial instability, disease epidemics, intercultural violence, and global inequalities. In response, multi-level, stakeholder governance involving public and private actors has emerged. Civil society action at the international level focuses on building political frameworks with democratic accountability. However, many global governance bodies suffer from accountability deficits, lacking the mechanisms found in states such as popularly elected leaders and independent courts. Marginalized groups and peripheral areas are particularly excluded from these structures, a situation described as 'transnational exclusion'. The section sets the stage for exploring how civil society seeks to address these shortcomings in global governance.

This section discusses how civil society actors have increasingly participated in global governance. They have gained more access to agenda-setting, decision-making, monitoring, and implementation of policies related to global issues. However, the challenge of integration remains significant, as new institutional structures and filters continually emerge. Civil society organizations must constantly adapt to these changing circumstances, an example of which is the shift from the G8 to the G20 as the primary economic council for wealthy nations in 2009. The G20, including 19 states plus the European Union, accounts for roughly 80% of global trade. While civil society activism was intense around the G8, the G20 has only recently seen similar engagement. This highlights the ongoing struggle for civil society to maintain influence within evolving global governance structures.

This section addresses the question of legitimacy within civil society, exploring the spectrum from fully integrated organizations to those considered criminal. While civil society cannot replace traditional political representation, it plays a key role in amplifying marginalized viewpoints. The section emphasizes that the crucial aspect is not who civil society organizations represent, but what they represent: the issues and values they uphold. However, defining and achieving the 'public interest' in global contexts remains challenging. The section examines the two extremes: organizations established by governments and international organizations (representing full integration) and criminal organizations (representing full exclusion). The gray area in-between reflects both the instrumental use of civil society by political systems and the potential for violent resistance against the status quo. The text notes the loaded nature of the term 'civil' and its interpretation based on prevailing ideologies, citing Nelson Mandela and Yasser Arafat as examples of individuals initially viewed as criminals who later received Nobel Peace Prizes.

This case study focuses on the diplomatic efforts to control the spread of nuclear weapons during the latter half of the 20th century. The period was characterized by conflict between the two nuclear superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union. Despite this tense environment, diplomacy played a crucial role in preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons to other nation-states. This success is highlighted as a major diplomatic achievement, acknowledging the involvement of both state and non-state actors. The case study demonstrates the power of diplomacy in mitigating a significant global security threat, even in a context of intense superpower rivalry. The success in curbing nuclear proliferation showcases the potential of diplomacy even in a highly volatile geopolitical environment. The fact that the success involved non-state actors further highlights the shift toward a more complex international system.

The second case study examines the long and complex history of US-Iran relations, spanning from the end of World War II to the present day. The relationship is presented as a crucial example of diplomacy between states that were, at times, sworn enemies with significant ideological and systemic differences. The 1953 US-British orchestrated coup that reinstated the Shah of Iran is discussed as a significant event shaping the relationship. The section highlights the role of the European Union (EU) in mediating tensions between the US and Iran, particularly the 2003 initiative by the UK, Germany, and France to engage Iran in diplomatic talks aimed at preventing war and addressing Iran's nuclear program. Although the talks were initially inconclusive, they demonstrated the potential of diplomacy to de-escalate tensions and find alternative paths to resolution, even in deeply conflicted relationships. The case study demonstrates how an international governmental organization, the EU, can play a significant role in mediating conflicts between powerful nation-states.

This section details the transformation of the United States from an isolationist nation to a global superpower, a shift largely cemented by World War II. Prior to the war, the US focused on continental expansion and avoiding entangling alliances, as evidenced by George Washington's farewell address and John Quincy Adams's stance against foreign intervention. While the US engaged in some imperialism in the late 19th century (acquiring Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines), its history of independence from British rule fostered a reluctance to become a colonial power. Even participation in World War I did not significantly alter this isolationist stance. However, World War II proved a turning point. The US emerged as a dominant power, shaping the post-war international order through its participation in conferences like Bretton Woods and San Francisco, and by establishing the United Nations headquarters in New York City. The establishment of a global network of military bases and the creation of the National Security Act of 1947 solidified the US's commitment to global power.

This section examines the post-Cold War era and the resulting changes in international relations. The dissolution of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s created 15 new independent states, redrawing the map of central Europe to Central Asia. This event also initiated a period of rapid globalization. The end of the Cold War led to a widespread optimism about increased international cooperation and the strengthening of international organizations, especially the United Nations. This 'new international order' was envisioned to address various global challenges including promoting equitable development, reducing gender inequalities, resolving conflicts, and protecting human rights. It emphasized a need to improve bargaining and consensus-building processes involving both states and non-state actors. This optimism, however, needed to contend with the challenges of managing complex global interdependencies.

This section presents two case studies illustrating challenges to global order and the persistence of inequality. The first examines the 2014 Hong Kong protests, sparked by concerns over reduced autonomy from China and rising inequality. Although the protests eventually subsided, they highlighted the ability of entrenched rulers to maintain power without significant concessions, while also showing the ongoing impact of these events on the political views of Hong Kong's citizens, especially among younger generations. The second case study focuses on the Occupy movement in the United States, which emerged as a response to inequality and perceived governmental failures following the 2008 financial crisis. This movement, while critiquing systemic economic and social divisions, raises questions about its efficacy in achieving practical goals. The case studies show contrasting reactions to political and economic issues, highlighting both the resilience of authoritarian rule and the enduring concerns about inequality in liberal democracies.

The final part of this section examines the Arab Spring uprisings and their implications for democratization and political change. The protests highlighted the importance of stability and regime longevity, underscoring the demand for economic and social improvements among ordinary citizens. The text emphasizes the diversity within the Arab world, highlighting the conflicts between different religious groups (intra-Muslim and Muslim-Christian tensions) despite apparent common economic and political grievances. The contrasting outcomes in Egypt and Tunisia—Tunisia achieving a transition to democracy while Egypt experienced a military coup and the ouster of an elected Islamist president—are discussed. The case study suggests that while popular uprisings can topple governments, the path to stable and lasting democratization is far from straightforward and often involves complex sectarian and geopolitical factors. The Egyptian example of Mohamed Morsi's removal by Abdel Fattah el-Sisi is a notable instance.

This section explores the challenges of achieving global food security, using several case studies to illustrate the complexities involved. It begins by discussing the UN Sustainable Development Goals' aim to end world hunger by 2030, acknowledging that policy implementation is far more difficult than policy creation. The Brazilian Zero Hunger program is presented as a partial success, highlighting the crucial role of civil society mobilization. However, even in Brazil, significant challenges remain, as evidenced by continued hunger in impoverished regions and ongoing political and economic instability. The example serves to underscore that achieving food security requires not only effective policies but also active engagement from civil society and the ability to overcome domestic political and economic obstacles.

This case study examines the 2008 melamine-tainted milk scandal in China. The scandal, resulting from the adulteration of milk to increase its apparent protein content, highlights the failures of both government regulation and corporate responsibility. The text notes that the government and dairy industry initially suppressed information to avoid public panic, but the issue was brought to light by parents of affected children. Some parents used the internet to raise awareness and others organized impromptu press conferences. The government's response involved detaining or jailing parents for inciting social disorder. The example contrasts governmental inaction and attempts to suppress information with the initiative and actions of affected citizens. This further points to the importance of civil society in uncovering and addressing critical issues.

This section shifts the focus to the production and exchange of food, emphasizing the ongoing struggles faced by agricultural workers. The historical context, illustrated by John Steinbeck's Grapes of Wrath, is compared to modern-day conditions for farmworkers in the US, who are often migrants from Latin America. The extremely low wages of these workers are noted. The Coalition of Immokalee Workers is highlighted as an example of a successful civil society organization, its initial tactics including work stoppages and hunger strikes. Their strategy evolved to reorganizing the food supply chain, leading to the Fair Food Program in 2011. This program successfully pressured major retailers, including Walmart, to increase wages for tomato pickers. The example of the Coalition of Immokalee Workers showcases a successful model for civil society mobilization leading to changes in production and distribution, highlighting the ongoing struggle for fair wages and labor rights within the food system.

This final case study examines land grabbing in Cambodia related to sugar production. The Cambodian government's involvement in selling land to investors resulted in the displacement of over 1,700 families, who were met with violence when resisting the forced displacement. In response, civil society groups launched the Clean Sugar Campaign, using a strategy described as 'boomerang activism'. This involved working through international institutions to exert pressure on the companies involved. The campaign filed complaints with the National Human Rights Commission of Thailand, pressured the EU to suspend free trade access to Cambodian sugar, initiated legal proceedings against Tate & Lyle, and publicly shamed financial backers (Deutsche Bank and ANZ Bank). This cross-border approach demonstrates how civil society organizations can leverage international institutions to address human rights abuses and injustices within a globalized system. The case study further highlights the effectiveness of transnational civil society mobilization.