Canterbury Hotel Workers' Union: A History

The initial discussion centers on wage rates for hotel workers in New Zealand. While the tables show legally mandated minimum wages, the reality often differed. Senior cooks, for instance, frequently received higher pay than the stated minimum. The discrepancy between the legal minimum and actual wages paid is highlighted, indicating a complex system of compensation beyond simple minimum wage regulations. This suggests that the legal framework didn't fully capture the nuances of pay within the industry, leaving room for variation based on skill level and position.

A significant portion of hotel workers' compensation came from non-cash benefits. Many received free board and lodging, or a cash equivalent if the employer didn't provide such facilities. In the early part of the 20th century, this non-cash component was a substantial part of the workers' effective wages, although its relative value declined compared to cash wages over time. However, it remained a crucial factor in the overall income calculation for hotel workers, showing that a comprehensive understanding of their compensation necessitates including these significant non-monetary benefits.

The introduction of a service allowance further complicated the wage structure. Initially payable only to bar staff from 1951, it later extended to all licensed hotel workers with at least a year's continuous employment. The allowance aimed to increase real wages by circumventing the restrictions imposed by the Arbitration Court's 'relativities' system. This system, which aimed for wage equity between different occupations, was often limiting, and this allowance provided a work-around to ensure that licensed hotel workers received more compensation. The allowance's availability to the majority of workers in the sector shows the substantial impact it had on improving pay.

The final component of the weekly wage involved General Wage Orders (GWOs) issued by the Arbitration Court. These orders applied to the awards but weren't always formally included in the published wage schedules. This suggests an additional layer of complexity in determining the actual wages received, as these supplementary wage adjustments were applied inconsistently and without standard integration into the official wage structures. This highlights the disconnect between the legal framework and the real-world experience of hotel workers' compensation.

The text begins by drawing a parallel between hotel/restaurant workers and domestic servants, noting that both groups performed similar tasks: cooking, serving, and cleaning. However, the fundamental difference lies in their relationship with employers and the broader economy. This distinction forms the core argument of the section. The author emphasizes that this distinction is not merely a matter of workplace; rather it signifies a critical difference in their economic roles within society.

Domestic servants, employed in the homes of the colonial elite and middle class, are characterized as being outside the typical capitalist wage-labor relationship between capitalists and the working class. They are described as part of a transitional phase in capitalism's development, fulfilling temporary domestic needs for a growing urban middle class. Their eventual decline and near disappearance are attributed to factors such as smaller family sizes, technological advancements, and increased public utilities. This clarifies their position as a distinct and ultimately temporary phenomenon within the larger economic shifts of the time.

In stark contrast to domestic servants, hotel and restaurant workers are presented as integral to a growing capitalist economy, fully engaged in the wage-labor relationship. Their workplaces are portrayed as increasingly integrated into the economic system, with their numbers and overall importance within the economy continuously expanding. This highlights the contrasting trajectories of the two groups, showcasing one as a transitional phase and the other as a permanent and growing sector of capitalist development. The section highlights the shift of domestic labor from private homes into the public, commercial sphere.

The establishment of permanent trade unions in New Zealand's hotel and restaurant industry before World War One is discussed. The text emphasizes the pivotal role of the 1894 Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act. This act, enacted by the Liberal government, created a system of compulsory arbitration. This legal framework offered crucial protection to previously weak and vulnerable workers in the hotel and restaurant sector. The act provided a legal shield under which these workers could organize into trade unions, leading to the rise of powerful worker organizations that were previously unable to operate effectively due to a lack of legal protection.

The successful unions secured extensive occupational coverage, encompassing a wide range of roles: male and female cooks, bar staff, maids, waiters, and waitresses. Their influence extended across various types of establishments: licensed hotels, restaurants, tearooms, and later, private hotels. This broad reach is contrasted with the limited success of unionization in other sectors. The expansion of coverage in the 1930s to include domestic workers in hospitals and chartered clubs further solidified the union's position as a major force representing hotel and restaurant workers, demonstrating the ability to grow and adapt to changing circumstances in the industry.

The Christchurch Hotel Workers' Union (CHWU) is presented as a key example of successful unionization. The text highlights specific achievements, such as a preference clause that compelled workers to join within one month of employment, with employers obligated to dismiss non-union members (when a qualified replacement was available). However, this clause did not apply to women, who comprised the majority of the workforce. Further gains included a 48-hour notice requirement for dismissal, a significant improvement over the previous lack of notice. The award's geographical limitations (excluding Lyttleton, New Brighton, and Sumner) are mentioned, but the union's strong presence within its designated area is emphasized.

The CHWU's internal organization is described, starting with its formal structure. The union initially held bi-weekly general meetings and had a Board of Management with limited administrative functions. Over time (1909 onwards), the frequency of general meetings decreased to monthly and then quarterly. Despite this change in meeting frequency, general meetings remained the primary source of authority for major decisions until 1913. This structure indicates a deliberate shift towards greater executive authority, although it's noted this shift did not alter the union's industrial or political direction. The key figure driving decisions was the secretary, Barr, who interpreted wider political realities for the union's actions.

Beyond formal structure, the CHWU engaged in a variety of activities aimed at improving members' lives. Over several years, irregular social, cricket, and football events were organized, though without establishing a permanent social club. A lending library was created in 1910, and a 'Distress and Funeral Benefit Fund' was established in 1911. This fund, though modest, provided financial support for sickness and funerals, showing the union's concern for member well-being beyond collective bargaining. The union also supported apprenticeship schemes for cooks and appointed a representative to the Technical College Board, demonstrating engagement in workforce development and training.

The CHWU's organizational efforts resulted in a small union with modest finances concentrated in Christchurch. The union's constitution aimed for an unlimited number of members in Canterbury's hospitality sector, which was expanded to include boarding houses and caterers. Membership fees differed between men and women, reflecting the lower wages women received. Membership grew to 294 by 1909, fluctuating to 551 by December 1918. Compared to other main centers, the CHWU's unionization rate was lower. This lower rate of unionization, despite the effort to expand, is compared with other major centers like Auckland, Wellington, and Dunedin, revealing the challenges of building a large union membership base within a competitive environment.

This section analyzes the gender dynamics within the hotel and restaurant workforce. It highlights that the tasks performed by women in these industries—serving, cleaning, and cooking—were the same unpaid tasks traditionally associated with women's roles in the private home. Employers thus sought women for these positions, as they could be paid the lowest wages. The resulting pattern of a predominantly low-paid female workforce is described as self-reinforcing, meaning that the existing gendered division of labor perpetuated the wage disparities. This highlights how social expectations and existing power structures within society influenced the compensation and employment of hotel workers.

The section then notes exceptions to the pattern of female dominance within the hotel industry. Higher-status and higher-paying positions, such as senior cooks (chefs) in larger licensed hotels, attracted both men and women. Similarly, the roles of barmen and hotel porters, tasks that society had ascribed to men, were overwhelmingly male-dominated. The presence of both male and female cooks, but the concentration of higher-paying chef positions among men in larger establishments, illustrates how societal expectations around gender and skill level intersected to determine pay and position within the hotel industry. This points to the existence of a more complex reality that wasn't solely defined by gender.

The text emphasizes that the established pattern of a predominantly low-paid female workforce in the hotel and restaurant industry was self-reinforcing. This means that the initial preference for employing women in these roles, based on societal expectations and the ability to pay lower wages, created a cycle that perpetuated itself. The author concludes by reiterating the importance of societal norms in shaping the gender and wage dynamics within the hospitality sector. This emphasizes the limitations placed on women's opportunities for advancement due to the prevailing social constructs.

The immediate post-World War II period witnessed significant political and industrial unrest across capitalist economies, including New Zealand. While the level of conflict in New Zealand was less intense than elsewhere, the period was marked by increased industrial action, particularly given the Labour Party's presence in government. The government maintained its system of economic stabilization, including wage controls and Standard Wage Pronouncements by the Arbitration Court. While these controls helped weaker unions, they also limited the ability of stronger unions to secure higher wages during a period of labor shortages and economic growth. This created tension between the government and union critics who felt that workers' share of national income was declining relative to other sectors.

Despite economic stabilization measures, the union successfully increased workers' earnings by negotiating penalty rates for weekend work. This followed stop-work meetings in Auckland and Wellington in 1948, advocating both for a general wage increase and specific penalty rates. While a general wage increase remained constrained by regulations, penalty rates effectively increased wages without violating existing rules. Chartered club employers accepted penalty rates in late 1948, and the crucial breakthrough occurred in 1949 with the inclusion of penalty rates in the Licensed Hotels Award. The success in securing penalty rates for weekend work in the licensed hotel sector, the largest sector, was a significant achievement.

Further award negotiations led to significant improvements in workers' conditions. The number of statutory holidays increased from seven to nine (or eight for private hotels), with pay for working on these days raised from time-and-a-half to double time. The 1948 amendment to the Public Holidays Act ensured full statutory holiday pay even when holidays were transferred. Changes to 'dry pay' entitlements also occurred under the Licensed Hotels Award. Married workers and single male bar staff, porters, and general hands gained the right to choose 'dry pay'—full cash wages plus the cash value of board and lodging allowances—a right previously limited to single males in major cities. By 1949, this right extended to all licensed hotels. This demonstrates incremental gains that significantly improved worker welfare.

Despite these successes, the CHWU became increasingly dissatisfied with the HWF secretary, F. Young, due to perceived lack of interest in HWF affairs and policy disagreements. Young’s extensive involvement in other areas, such as the Federation of Labour (FOL) and Labour Party politics, meant less time dedicated to HWF issues, causing delays and frustration within the CHWU. This led to internal discussions within the CHWU regarding withdrawal from the HWF in mid-1942. The CHWU's consideration of leaving the HWF, along with the internal power dynamics within the federation, exemplifies the complexity of navigating relationships between local unions and broader federations within the labor movement.

The post-World War II era in New Zealand is characterized by industrial unrest, despite the Labour Party being in power. This created a complex situation, raising expectations among left-wing factions while simultaneously causing resentment among more conservative elements of the labour movement regarding any agitation against the government. The government's continued policy of economic stabilization, although facing pressures on prices and wage claims, is noted. The system of controls, including Standard Wage Pronouncements by the Arbitration Court, favored weaker unions but restricted stronger ones from achieving higher wages amidst labor shortages and economic growth. Union members felt their living standards were declining relative to other sectors, fueling the demand for improvements exceeding simply maintaining pre-war income levels.

Despite the limitations of economic stabilization, the union successfully negotiated penalty rates for weekend work between 1945 and 1949. This increase in workers' actual earnings resulted from stop-work meetings in Auckland and Wellington in 1948 to push for both a general wage increase and penalty rates for weekend work. While economic stabilization regulations limited general wage increases, penalty rates provided a means to effectively raise wages. Success in securing penalty rates for Saturday and Sunday work in chartered clubs (1948) and, significantly, licensed hotels (1949), is emphasized. This was a major advance, recognizing the sacrifice of family and social life inherent in working weekends.

Beyond penalty rates, further improvements through award negotiations included increasing the number of statutory holidays annually from seven to nine (eight for private hotels) and raising pay for working on those holidays from time-and-a-half to double time. The 1948 amendment to the Public Holidays Act further improved conditions by ensuring full holiday pay when holidays were shifted. Also, the right to 'dry pay' (full cash wage plus the cash value of board and lodging) was expanded. This benefit, previously limited to single men in major cities, extended to those in smaller towns in 1945 and all licensed hotels by 1949. These gains demonstrate the union’s continued effort to improve its members' wages and conditions.

Despite the positive outcomes, tensions grew between the CHWU and the HWF. The CHWU expressed increasing dissatisfaction with the HWF secretary, F. Young, due to his perceived lack of attention to HWF matters and policy differences. Young's extensive involvement in the FOL and Labour Party, particularly his role in organizing anti-Lee forces in Auckland, diverted resources and attention from the HWF’s own activities, creating internal conflict. By mid-1942, the CHWU started investigating the possibility of withdrawing from the HWF, demonstrating the significant strain on the relationship between this local union and the wider federation.