Teen Mothers: Transitioning to Motherhood

The dominant discourse surrounding teen pregnancy and motherhood in Aotearoa New Zealand, and indeed across the Western world, is often negative. This is evidenced by former US President Clinton's 1995 State of the Union address, which labeled teen pregnancy as a serious social problem. This negative framing is further supported by various researchers (Bonell, 2004; Stier et al., 1993; Woodward et al., 2001; Breheny & Stephens, 2008, 2010; Kelly, 2000; Ministry of Social Development, 2008; Schultz, 2001; Kamp & McSharry, 2018) who highlight the pervasive nature of this viewpoint. These negative perceptions contribute to the stigmatization of teen mothers, impacting their self-esteem, access to resources, and overall well-being. The cost of teen childbearing to the economy is frequently emphasized, with figures such as over $9 billion annually in the US and at least $100 million annually in Australia (Breheny & Stephens, p. 311), reinforcing the perception of teen mothers as a burden on society. This negative framing is often amplified by government agencies and media, creating a powerful and difficult-to-resist social narrative (Cherrington & Breheny, 2005). One young mother's experience of being denied housing because of her age and ethnicity ('Searched housing but was declined because of my age—Straight up NO because I was a young mum and ‘must have guys around, must do drugs because I’m Māori’ (p. 22)) exemplifies the prejudice faced by teen mothers.

The research reveals significant economic hardship experienced by many young mothers, often coupled with discrimination and stigma. Participants reported financial struggles, highlighting the challenges of balancing motherhood with limited resources. A study by Broussard et al. (2012) on single mothers living in poverty supports these findings, emphasizing the increased stress caused by discrimination and stigma. The quote, “They view the poor [as] low life, they think they’re always looking for a handout, they think they’re not….doing everything they can to get out of poverty” (p. 196), reflects the disrespect and humiliation experienced by many. This aligns with Jo’s (2013) research on the psycho-social dimensions of poverty, emphasizing that the psychological well-being of individuals in poverty is crucial. Importantly, the study observes that while low-income earners and non-working parents receive some financial support, teen mothers are disproportionately viewed as an economic burden (Breheny & Stephens, 2010), exacerbating their economic vulnerability. The intersection of poverty, discrimination, and negative social perceptions creates a complex web of challenges for teen mothers in Aotearoa New Zealand.

While acknowledging that adolescence is a significant characteristic of teen mothers, the research emphasizes the importance of considering other factors, such as economic and marital status. The study argues that societal views, often negative, shape perceptions of pregnant teens and teen mothers, hindering their ability to cope. The use of language to describe teen mothers significantly impacts their lives; researchers (Holgate, Evans, and Yuen, 2006) note the role of government and media in shaping these discourses. Although societal views have evolved, a dominant negative discourse persists, influencing policies and interventions. The study points out that while some progress has been made, significant negative stereotypes and prejudice continue to significantly impact the lives and opportunities of teen mothers. The study makes a conscious effort to challenge and counteract these negative narratives, highlighting the resilience and strength demonstrated by many young mothers in the face of adversity.

Research indicates that becoming a teenage mother, while challenging, can also foster resilience. Breen and McLean (2010) define resilience as 'a dynamic process encompassing positive adaptation within the context of significant adversity' (Luthar, Cicchetti & Becker, 2000, p. 543). Their study found that teen mothers demonstrate resilience through actions such as enrolling in school and avoiding criminal activity. The ability to make meaning of one's experiences is highlighted as a critical factor in building resilience. Pellegrino (2015) further supports this, showing how supportive environments at home, school, and elsewhere contribute to the development of resilience in teen mothers, leading to positive outcomes like obtaining a high school diploma and securing employment. Brodsky (1999) uses the term 'making it'—achieving success despite difficult circumstances—to describe a similar phenomenon in single mothers of color. Essential components for this 'making it' include family, friends, financial resources, neighborhood support, personal characteristics, and the role as a parent. This resonates with Masten (2001) who challenges the idea that resilient individuals are extraordinary, emphasizing the ongoing and challenging nature of developing resilience. A study by Singh and Naicker (2019) in South Africa further reinforces this, showcasing teen mothers' strategies for managing their demanding roles as mothers and students, exemplified by Bongeka's statement: “Well it is very hard but I manage my time. When the baby is sleeping, I study and when the baby is up, I have time for the baby” (p. 8).

The importance of social support in the lives of teen mothers is a recurring theme. Studies in Aotearoa New Zealand (Dale, 2013; Dale & Lockwood, 2011; Pellegrino, 2015; Hindin-Miller, 2012) demonstrate the positive impact of Teen Parent Units (TPUs) in providing social support and enhancing student outcomes, including academic achievement and career opportunities. The NACCHO (2009) report, 'Meeting the Needs of Pregnant and Parenting Teens,' underscores the vital role of supportive adult relationships in improving outcomes for teens and their children. Stodart (2015) highlights the value of non-judgmental support from Plunket nurses in Aotearoa New Zealand, enabling teen mothers to openly discuss sensitive issues such as family violence and drug use. The research consistently demonstrates that access to consistent, non-judgmental support, as well as practical assistance such as childcare and transportation, can significantly improve a teen mother's ability to manage the demands of motherhood and complete her education. Amod et al. (2019) underscore the detrimental effects of limited family support, inadequate childcare, and insufficient teacher support on educational attainment, emphasizing the crucial role of various support networks. Fonseca (2007) further highlights the importance of peer support, noting that 'being connected socially to other young mothers was the most important aspect to the group' (p. 43).

Teen mothers employ various coping mechanisms to manage the challenges of stigma and discrimination. Fonseca (2007) observes that young mothers use strategies ranging from assertive self-defense ('lash out in their own defense') to passive coping mechanisms, such as ignoring negative comments or viewing motherhood as a private matter. Yardley (2008) similarly identifies active coping strategies (humor, verbal defense) and passive strategies (ignoring negativity, maintaining privacy). The importance of peer support networks is consistently highlighted, providing emotional and practical support. The study documents several examples of how teen mothers navigate difficult circumstances such as seeking help from family, even if the relationship has previously been strained. One participant describes receiving support from her mother when she was struggling with the demands of a newborn ('So, I stayed with her. I moved back in with Mum for the first three months, ‘cos yeah ... I just wasn’t handling it very well. Mum helped me a lot. Um, we’d take turns during the night.’). The study underscores the importance of acknowledging their efforts and reassuring them that their parenting attempts are recognized, often highlighting a tension between the desire for support and the desire for independence.

The study utilizes a qualitative research methodology rooted in social constructionism and narrative inquiry. Social constructionism, as defined by Gergen (1985), emphasizes that meaning is co-constructed through interactions and relationships, primarily through language. This aligns with the researcher's aim to explore how teen mothers make meaning of their experiences. The researcher initially held a positivist viewpoint, expecting to identify specific factors leading to teen motherhood. However, this shifted towards social constructionism, recognizing the value of individual narratives in understanding this complex process. The dialogical aspect of social constructionism, supported by Gergen and Gergen (2007) and Visser and Dreyer (2013), highlights the importance of relationships in shaping understanding and meaning. Narrative techniques are incorporated to capture the transformative transition of becoming a young mother and the life themes that shape individual self-concepts. The researcher's choice to use this methodology emphasizes giving voice to the participants' experiences and perspectives on their changed roles and identities.

The research involved multiple data collection methods, including individual interviews (six participants initially planned for two interviews each, ultimately one interview each due to time constraints and participants leaving the program). Focus groups were attempted, but participation was limited. Data analysis combined thematic analysis with grounded theory techniques. Thematic analysis, viewed as a constructionist method by Braun and Clarke (2006), was used to identify patterns and themes in the narratives. Grounded theory techniques were employed to further explore relationships between categories and to determine if the identified patterns could lead to a conceptual model (Guest, MacQueen & Namey, 2012). The process involved iterative coding, moving from descriptive to analytical levels (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). 'Latent or (interpretive codes)' (Terry et al., 2017, p. 26) were used to explore underlying patterns and stories beyond the surface meaning expressed by participants. The researcher's journal played a key role in documenting observations, field notes, and tentative codes during the analysis process. The researcher continuously considered and addressed ethical implications throughout the process (Lichtman, 2013; Smith et al., 2009). The researcher also prioritized the sensitive nature of the information being collected, ensuring the emotional safety and well-being of participants.

The researcher acknowledges her positionality as a Pākehā woman conducting research in Aotearoa New Zealand, emphasizing the importance of respecting Māori tikanga (customs) and upholding the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi (Mutch, 2013; Consedine & Consedine, 2001). This includes a mihimihi (self-introduction) shared with participants and staff, reflecting the researcher's bicultural awareness (Moorfield, 2011; Mead, 2003). The researcher is mindful of the potential influence of her own middle-class and Catholic values on the research process (Fonseca, 2007). Her experience as a former teacher of visually impaired students informed her approach to understanding the experiences of marginalized groups. The researcher also discusses the evolving researcher-participant relationship, acknowledging the potential for her roles (expert/researcher) to influence participants' responses. Pseudonyms are used to protect the identity of participants and their families. The researcher emphasizes a commitment to honoring the participants’ words and experiences, reflecting that 'These pseudonyms will no longer be used, even though, and throughout the write up of my thesis, they have remained with me as terms of endearment and, more importantly, as a reminder that I honour the words of the young women.'

Central to the findings is the teen mothers' personal quest to become what they term 'good mums'. This journey is characterized by a transformative process of change, encompassing shifts in identity as they transition from adolescence to motherhood. Their narratives reveal multiple dimensions of their thoughts, feelings, and perceptions, often shaped by personal and social contexts. The study highlights how experiences within the Teen Parent Unit (TPU) significantly influenced their development as mothers. The opportunity for education and the formation of meaningful relationships within the TPU are frequently cited as key benefits. Participants describe positive working relationships with TPU and ECE center staff, emphasizing the importance of supportive and loving environments ('whanaungatanga' and 'manaakitanga') in fostering a sense of belonging and well-being. The young mothers' accounts show a strong commitment to providing a better future for themselves and their children, which motivates their enrollment in the TPU and their efforts to overcome challenges. Their stories showcase their resilience and determination in achieving their goals.

The initial reaction of many teen mothers to their pregnancy is described as 'shock' ('I freaked out. I thought: How the hell am I gonna look after a baby?'). This initial shock is often linked to the societal discourses surrounding teen pregnancy and parenthood. The negative societal perceptions lead some to initially internalize the concern that their age is a significant barrier. Many participants chose to initially conceal their pregnancies from family members, revealing a pattern influenced by the pervasive negative narratives surrounding teen motherhood. However, these initial reactions are often followed by determination and resilience. For example, one participant resolved to keep her baby despite family pressure for an abortion ('My mum, or anyone. I was way too young. They didn’t … they were trying to get me [to have an] abortion. But I was like – you couldn’t force me to. ‘Cos, it’s not gonna happen.’). The accounts also demonstrate the participants' awareness of changing societal attitudes towards young people’s rights. This is evident in one participant's comment comparing the current situation to the experiences of previous generations ('Yeah, no one was gonna tell me what to do with my baby. It’s not like the 60s when my Nan’s friend had to go and live in that home and they took the baby off her.')

The teen mothers articulate a need for both support and independence. Many expressed a tension between seeking assistance and maintaining their agency as capable mothers. They valued support from others but also the reassurance that their parenting efforts were recognized. There is a perceived danger that appearing too capable may result in the withdrawal of support, while appearing too needy might lead to being labeled as incapable. The perception and judgment of others significantly impact their identity as 'good mums'. An example highlighting agency and the construction of maternal identity includes a mother's insistence on breastfeeding her child despite opposition, demonstrating her ability to prioritize what she believes is best for her child. This desire for recognition of their efforts as mothers is a recurring theme in the participants’ narratives, and it reflects the complex intersection of external perceptions and the development of self-defined maternal competence. The support received—from family, healthcare professionals, and the TPU—is highlighted as instrumental in developing capabilities and self-confidence as mothers. Positive relationships with caregivers are identified as pivotal to a child's development and contribute significantly to the mothers' sense of self as effective and caring parents.